Slavery & Gun Control

Am I Not A Man & A Brother

To those that held that slavery was Biblical:

   “And he that steals a man, and sells him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death.”–Exodus 21:16

    “I hope it will not be conceived from these observations, that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people who are the subject of this letter, in slavery. I can only say that there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it—but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, & that is by Legislative authority: and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting.”–George Washington, April 12, 1786 letter to Robert Morris. [The Papers of George Washington, Confederation Series, vol. 4, 2 April 1786 – 31 January 1787, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1995, pp. 15–17.]

   “We have taken up Arms in Defence of our Liberty, our Property; our Wives and our Children: We are determined to preserve them or die. We look forward with pleasure to that day not far remote (we hope) when the Inhabitants of America shall have one Sentiment and the full Enjoyment of the blessings of a Free Government. . . . Let no Man desert his habitation. Let no Man flee as before an Enemy.

   “The cause of America and of liberty is the cause of every virtuous American Citizen Whatever may be his Religion or his descent, the United Colonies know no distinction, but such as Slavery, Corruption and Arbitrary Domination may create. Come then ye generous Citizens, range yourselves under the Standard of general Liberty, against which all the force and Artifice of Tyranny will never be able to prevail.”–George Washington to Canadian Citizens, September 6, 1775. [The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.]

    “Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the judgment of Heaven on a country. As nations cannot be rewarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an inevitable chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by national calamities.”–Col. [George] Mason, Aug. 22, 1787, Debates In The Federal Convention Of 1787, Held At Philadelphia. [Elliot’s Debates, Vol. V, Pg. 458]

    “Mr. GEORGE MASON. Mr. Chairman, this is a fatal section, which has creatcd more dangers than any other. The first clause allows the importation of slaves for twenty years. Under the royal government, this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts were made to prevent it; but the interest of the African merchants prevented its prohibition. No sooner did the revolution take place, than it was thought of. It was one of the great causes of our separation from Great BritainIts exclusion has been a principal object of this stateand most of the states in the Union. The augmentation of slaves weakens the states; and such a trade is diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind; yet, by this Constitution, it is continued for twenty years. As much as I value a union of all the states, I would not admit the Southern States into the Union unless they agree to the discontinuance of this disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness, and not strength, to the Union.”–Jume 15, 1788, The Debates In The Convention Of The State Of Virginia, On The Adoption Of The Federal Constitution. [Elliot’s Debates, Vol. III, Pg. 452]

    “The admission of slaves into the representation, when fairly explained, comes to this,–that the inhabitant of Georgia and South Carolina, who goes to the coast of Africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred Laws of humanity, tears away his fellow-creatures from their dearest connections, and damns them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes, in a government instituted for the protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen of Pennsylvania or New Jersey, who views, with a laudable horror, so nefarious a practice. He would add, that domestic slavery is the most prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed Constitution. The vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite offspring of aristocracy. And what is the proposed compensation to the Northern States, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every impulse of humanity?”–Mr. Gouverneur Morris, Aug. 8, 1787, Debates In The Federal Convention Of 1787, Held At Philadelphia. [Elliot’s Debates, Vol. V, Pg. 393]

   ALL American ‘gun control‘ had its start in the prevention of slaves keeping and bearing arms, as will be proven below. And history plainly shows that the men that founded our country believed that the difference between a free person and a slave was in the ability to keep and bear arms.

   It will also be seen how the ‘permit‘ system was originated by the British in an effort to control the American colonists bearing arms:

Boston, May, 1775 Permit – No Arms nor Ammunition is allowed to pass.

Which was then extended by American governments to control both slaves and free people of color. And finally to control all American citizens; regardless of race, creed or color, as well. For in reality, the federal ATF Form 4473 is nothing more than a ‘permit‘. Which means nothing more than that our government has in fact reduced all of We The People to the condition of being no better than slaves in their eyes. Since when does a free people need the permission from their hired servants to exercise a Constitutionally secured right? The only necessary proof that should be required, is that a person is a free citizen of the United States – PERIOD.

   “We condemn, and with arms in our hands,–a resource which Freemen will never part with,–we oppose the claim and exercise of unconstitutional powers”–Journals of the Continental Congress, Dec. 6, 1775.

    “It is the right of suffrage, and the right to bear arms that distinguishes the freeman from theslave. It is by means of this right that the people govern–that they legislate for themselves, and execute the laws when made, through agents of their own choice. Take this right from us, and we are no longer free. Preserve it from fraud and corruption, & we never can be slaves….”–Governor Thomas Corwin, Excerpted from the article; “Governor’s Message.”, (started on Pg. 1) [The Ohio Democrat, Canal Dover, Tuscarawas County, December 18, 1840. Volume 2. Number 67. Pg. 3]

   § 387. Public policy has made it necessary for the slaveholding States, by statute, to impose other restrictions on free persons of color. They have been forced to extend over them their patrol and police regulations, to deny to them the privilege of bearing arms, to require of them the selection of a guardian, who shall stand as patron, and contract for them; to restrain their acquisition of negro slaves as property; to place them on the same footing with slaves as to their intercourse with white citizens; such as purchasing spirituous liquors, &c.[2] These various restrictions, differing in the different States, place the free negro but little above the slave as to civil privileges. Hence, the penal slave [Pg. 815] code usually embraces the free negro. They occupy, therefore, a position very similar to that class of freedmen in Rome known as dedititii, whose condition was but slightly removed from that of the slave.[1]

[2] Maryland, see Dorsey’s Laws, 335, 340, 510, 543, 858, 1071, 1072.

[1] Inst. Lib. I, tit. v, § 3; Kaufman’s Mackeldey, vol. i, p. 130; Bryan v. Walton, 14 Ga. 204.

[An Inquiry Into The Law Of Negro Slavery In The United States of America . . . By Thomas R.R. Cobb, Of Georgia . . . Vol. I. Philadelphia: T. & J.W. Johnson & Co. Savannah: W. Thorne Williams. 1858. Pg. 814]


ALL persons except negroes to be provided with arms and amunition or be fined at pleasure of the Governor and Council.–At A Grand Assembly, 6th January, 1639–Sr Francis Wyatt, Gov.

The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, “ALL persons except negroes to be provided with arms and amunition or be fined . . . That the act the last Assembly excepting servants, armes, amunition, and corn for present subsistance from the rigor of exec’n. be still in full force and power”, 1639-44

A Discourse of Government By Andrew Fletcher, “I cannot see why arms should be denied to any man who is not a slave”, 1698

Selected Discourses and Speeches By Andrew Fletcher, “The possession of arms is the distinction of a freeman from a slave”, 1698

The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, “and if any negro or slave shall be so apprehended or taken, without the limits aforesaid, with any gun or fire arms as aforesaid, such arms shall be forfeited to him or them that shall apprehend or take the same . . . And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every master or head of any family, shall keep all his guns and other arms, when out of use, in the most private and least frequented room in the house….”, 1712

The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, “Provided also, that no slave who shall be possessed of such gun, shall lend such gun to any other slave whatsoever; and every gun, pistole, sword, cutlace, or other offensive weapon, which shall be found in the hand or custody of any slave, not qualified to keep or carry the same, as aforesaid, shall be forfeited to the finders, who are hereby empowered to seize and keep the same to their own use, without further law or process.”, 1722

Laws of the State of Delaware, “That if any Negro or Mulatto slave shall presume to carry any guns, swords, pistols, fowling-pieces, clubs, or other arms and weapons whatsoever, without his master’s special licence . . . Sect. 3. And that all the inhabitants . . . shall each of them provide and keep . . . these following arms, to wit, a well-fixed firelock or musket, one cartouch box, with sufficient charges of gun powder and ball therein”, [1726-1747]

The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, “and every gun, pistol, sword, cutlass, or other offensive weapon, which shall be found in the custody of any slave not qualified to carry or keep the same as aforesaid; shall be forfeited to the finders or other persons seizing the same, who are hereby impowered to seize and detain the same to their own use, without other form, law or process”, 1735

A Digest Of The Laws of South-Carolina, “he, she, or they, may lawfully seize such gun or offensive weapon, and convert the same to his, her, or their, own use”, 1740/1819

Public Statute Law Of South-Carolina, “26. And in case any person shall find any slave using or carrying fire-arms, or other offensive weapons, contrary to true intention of this act; every such person may lawfully seize and take away such fire-arms or offensive weapons”, 1740

The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, “And it shall and may be lawful to and for any white person or persons whatsoever, to seize, take away, and keep to his and their own proper use, any gun or other fire arm which he or they shall find in the possession of any slave . . . any former law, usage of custom, to the contrary thereof notwithstanding”, 1751

The Colonial Records Of The State Of Georgia, “that the said Fire Arms Offensive Weapon or Ammunition shall have been Seized . . . the property is lawfully vested in the person or persons who Seized the same”, Dec. 24, 1768

Patrick Henry to Robert Pleasants, “Is it not amazing, that at a time, when ye. Rights of Humanity are defined & understood with precision, in a Country above all others fond of Liberty, that in such an Age, & such a Country we find Men, professing a Religion ye. most humane, mild, meek, gentle & generous; adopting a Principle as repugnant to humanity as it is inconsistant with the Bible and destructive to Liberty.”, Jan. 18, 1773

Slave Petition to the Governor, Council, and House of Representatives of the Province of Massachusett, May 25, 1774

New Jersey to Continental Congress, ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident — that all men are created equal; that they are endued by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.’ Of this doctrine it is not a very remote consequence, that all the inhabitants of every society, be the color of their complexion what it may, are bound to promote the interest thereof…”, June 25, 1775

Benjamin Franklin, “a Body of Freemen, animated by a Love of Liberty, and trained to the Use of Arms, afford the most certain and effectual Defence against the Approaches of Slavery and Oppression.”, Sept. 29, 1775

The Statute Law of Kentucky [Virginia], “Arms in possession of a slave contrary to this prohibition, shall be forfeited to him who will seize them.”, 1785

Laws of the State of Delaware, “That if any Negro or Mulatto slave shall presume to carry any guns, swords, pistols, fowling-pieces…”, 1797

Statute Law of Kentucky, “but all and every gun, weapon and ammunition found in the possession or custody of any negro, mulatto or Indian, may be seized by any person . . . be forfeited to the seizor for his own use . . . Provided, nevertheless, That every free negro, mulatto or Indian, being a house-keeper, may be permitted to keep one gun”, Feb. 8, 1798

Laws Of The State Of Georgia, “That it shall not be lawful for any slave to carry and make use of fire arms . . . unless there be some white person of the age of sixteen years or upwards in the company of such slave”, 1800

Louisiana Black Code, “No slave shall, by day or by night, carry any visible or hidden arms . . . any person or persons shall find, any slave or slaves, using or carrying such fire arms . . . lawfully may seize and carry away such fire arms”, June 7th, 1806

Every pedler or hawker is expressly forbidden by this act from selling, or causing to be sold, or from delivering or causing to be delivered, to any slave or slaves, with or without the permission of his or their master, any kind of arms or ammunition whatever.

[A General Digest Of The Acts Of The Legislature Of Louisiana, April 8, 1811.]

Public Statute Law of South Carolina, “It shall not be lawful for any slave, unless in the present of some white person, to carry or make use of fire-arms”, 1814

The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, “And in case any white person shall find any slave using or carrying any gun or other offensive weapon, contrary to the intent and meaning of this Act, he, she or they, may lawfully seize such gun or offensive weapon, and convert the same to his, her or their own use”, 1819

U.S. Rep. A. Smyth, “The Revolution found the negro in America a slave . . . that he may not keep or carry arms”, Dec. 9, 1820

The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, “That no free negro or other free person of color, shall carry any fire-arms or other military weapons, abroad, except with a written ticket from his or their guardian, under pain of forfeiting the same, and being fined or whipped”, 1823

John Aldridge v. The Commonwealth, General Court of Virginia, “We will only instance the restriction upon the migration of free blacks into this State, and upon their right to bear arms.”, JUNE TERM, 1824

State Of Maryland, “any free negro or mulatto who shall disregard this provision, shall, on conviction thereof before a justice of the peace, for first offence pay the cost of prosecution, and forfeit all such arms to the use of the informer . . . and for the second or any subsequent offence….”, 1831

The Statute Laws Of The State Of Tennessee, “Fire Hunting”, “Shooting”, “Slaves” & “Arms/Guns” – In the Years: 1741/1753/1784/1821, [1831]

Territory Of Florida, “Be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any slave, free negro, or mulatto, to keep or retain in his or their house or houses, any fire arms whatsoever . . . That no free negro or mulatlo . . . shall be suffered to keep or carry any firelock of any kind, or military or other weapons, or any powder or lead, without first obtaining a license . . . any free negro or mulatto who shall so offend . . . forfeit all such arms and ammunition to the use of the informer.”, 1832-36

Laws of the State of Alabama, “and arms for the defence himself”/”but all [an]d every gun, weapon, or ammunition, found in the possession or [cu]stody of any slave, may be seized by any person”, 1833

Statute Law of Georgia, “that the free person of color, so detected in owning, using, or carrying firearms, shall receive upon his bare back thirty-nine lashes.”, Dec. 23, 1833

The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, “That no free negro or other free person of color shall carry any fire-arms, or military or dangerous weapons abroad, except with a written ticket from his or their guardian, under pain of forfeiting the same, and being fined or whipped”, 1835

Gov. Wilson Shannon, “It is the right of suffrage and the right to bear arms, which principally distinguishes the freeman from the slave.”, Dec. 8, 1840

Governor Thomas Corwin, “It is the right of suffrage, and the right to bear arms that distinguishes the freeman from the slave….”, Dec. 18, 1840

Statutes of the State of Mississippi, “No slave shall keep or carry any gun, powder, shot, club, or other weapon whatsoever . . . be forfeited to the seizer for his own use”, 1840

A Digest of the Penal Law of the State of Louisiana, “As slaves may declare themselves free, free colored persons who carry arms, are directed to carry with them a certificate of a justice of the peace, attesting their freedom”, 1841

South Carolina General Assembly, “he shall summon the owner of the slave from whom said arms or weapons have been seized . . . and shew cause why said arms should not be condemned and forfeited”, Jan. 17, 1844

Before Justice of the Peace J.R. Dufrocq, “sentenced to receive one hundred lashes, 25 each day; also for stealing fire arms, three guns and a pistol from Mr. Petet”, July 17, 1847

Supreme Court Of Louisiana, J.B. Arnandez v. Thomas B. Lawes, “The slave is controlled only by fear; that fear arises solely from arms which the law puts into the hands of the white man, and takes from him.”, Feb., 1850

The Negro in Georgia, An Opinion Of Judge Lumpkin, “He is not allowed to keep or carry fire-arms. He cannot preach or exhort without a special license…”, May 29, 1855

Kansas [Bogus] Legislature, “Sect. 2. Every free person, who shall aid or assist in any rebellion or insurrection of slaves, free negroes or mulattoes, or shall furnish arms, or do any other act in furtherance of such rebellion or insurrection, shall suffer DEATH.”, Sept. 15, 1855

Tennessee Legislature, “Mr. Bowles considered the amendment would lead to numerous petty indictments, with no good result beyond making business for the courts and fees for the lawyers. . . . the bill would not prevent the slave carrying a gun wherever his master might send him. It was to prevent the slave from carrying a gun for the purpose of hunting at large, and at will.”, Jan. 2, 1856

More especially, it cannot be believed that the large slaveholding States regarded them as included in the word citizens, or would have consented to a Constitution which might compel them to receive them in that character from another State. For if they were so received, and entitled to the privileges and immunities of citizens, it would exempt them from the operation of the special laws and from the police [p*417] regulations which they considered to be necessary for their own safety. It would give to persons of the negro race, who were recognised as citizens in any one State of the Union, the right to enter every other State . . . and to keep and carry arms wherever they went.

[U.S Supreme Court, Dred Scott v. Sandford, , Dec., 1856.]

An Inquiry Into The Law Of Negro Slavery In The United States of America, “Public policy has made it necessary for the slaveholding States, by statute, to impose other restrictions on free persons of color. They have been forced to extend over them their patrol and police regulations, to deny to them the privilege of bearing arms”, 1858

The Western Democrat, “The public should understand that neither slaves or free negroes are, under any circumstances, allowed to keep or carry fire-arms of any description.”, May 21, 1861

Newbern Weekly Progress, “It is the duty of all owners of slaves to be rigid and systematic in their own police regulations over them . . . The carrying of arms by them should not be allowed under any circumstances.”, Aug. 20, 1861

The Dollar Weekly Bulletin, “We have understood that when Gen. Kirby Smith was at Lexington, that many arms were found and taken from the possession of negroes. . . . We do not desire to create any unnecessary alarm, but both Local and State organization should be had in reference to the advent of the 1st of January and the further Proclamation of the President, which is to change the status of the slave, and especially when they are invited by Lincoln to make practical efforts to secure their freedom.”, Nov. 27, 1862

Dayton Daily Empire, “The negro State Convention met here to-day according to previous announcement. . . . Resolutions were unanimously adopted asserting the right of colored citizens to testify, his right to bear arms…”, Oct. 25, 1865

The Indianapolis Daily Herald, “hence their “right to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed . . . No Federal Court can refuse to protect them in this right.”, Nov. 17, 1865

American Citizen, “Third–As will in the future prevent said free negroes from retaining in their possession arms and ammunition, whenever or however obtained.”, Nov. 29, 1865

State of Mississippi, “That no freedman, free negro or mulattoe . . . shall keep or carry fire arms of any kind, or any ammunition, dirk or bowie knife . . . and all such arms or ammunition, shall be forfeited to the informer”, Nov. 29, 1865

Memorial Of The South Carolina Freedmen, “inasmuch as the Constitution of the U.S. explicitly declares that the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed”, Dec. 15, 1865

General [Davis] Tilson, “no military or civil officer has the right or authority to disarm any class of people . . . All men, without distinction of color, have the right to keep arms to defend their homes, families or themselves.”, Jan. 18, 1866

Mobs In Indiana, “All men, without distinction of color, have the right to keep arms to defend their homes, families or themselves”, Jan. 18, 1866

Speech of Hon. A.P. Dostie, “which refuses freemen the right to hold public meetings, to preach, or to carry arms”, Jan. 27, 1866

U.S. Senate, (Concerning freed slaves) “in consequence of any State or local law, ordinance, police or other regulation, custom, or prejudice . . . including the constitutional right of bearing arms”, Feb. 19, 1866

U.S. Rep. Beaman introduced Bill; “It secures to the freedmen the enjoyment of all the rights and immunities enjoyed by white persons under the common law, including the right to testify and hold property and bear arms”, Feb. 27, 1866

U.S. Senator Samuel C. Pomeroy, “Sir, what is ‘appropriate legislation’ on the subject, namely, securing the freedom of all men? It can be nothing less than throwing about all men the essential safeguards of the Constitution. The ‘right to bear arms’ is not plainer taught or more efficient than the right to carry ballots. And if appropriate legislation will secure the one, so can it also the other.”, March 5, 1866

Chicago Tribune, “The military bands, in violation of the Federal Constitution, which gives every citizen the right to bear arms, have disarmed the blacks, shot them down if they resisted”, May 3, 1866

North Carolina State Convention, (Concerning freed slaves),“the report recommends . . . their right to bear arms”, June 1, 1866

U.S. House of Representatives H.R. 613, (Concerning freed slaves), “equal benefit of all laws and proceedings concerning personal liberty, personal security, and the acquisition, enjoyment and disposition of estate, real and personal, including the constitutional right to bear arms“, June 13, 1866

Civl Rights Bill Declared Unconstitutional, “One of the main grounds relied on in justification of the free negro upon the charge of carrying fire arms, is shown to be, under the 23d Section of the Bill of Rights of Mississippi, declaring that “every citizen has the right to bear arms in defense of himself and of the State.” The question then arose, was the free negro “a citizen” of this State?”, October 6, 1866

The Weekly North-Carolina Standard, “In Choctaw County a Mr. S.M. Hawkins shot an old crazy colored woman whom he found in his peach orchard. . . . Judge Bullock, of the County Court of Natchez, has decided the State law that deprives colored people of the right to bear arms to be in opposition to the State Constitution, which obliges the Legislature to protect the persons and property of the freedmen.”, Oct. 17, 1866

American Citizen, (Concerning freed slaves), “the Constitution intended that men should use the arms to defend their homes and then families against oppression”, Nov. 7, 1866

The Evansville Journal, “General Grant has promised to furnish the citizens of Kansas cavalry arms to protect themselves against Indian depredations. . . . The Democratic Governor of Deleware, true to his instincts, announces in his late message that he intends to enforce the State law forbidding colored men to carry arms. . . He seems never to have heard of the right of the people to bear arms, or to imagine that an old pro-slavery statute of his State will justify him in violating it with impunity. . . . to devise plans for evading emancipation and re-establishing their favorite institution in a new form.”, Jan. 10, 1867

The Evening Telegraph, (Concerning freed slaves), “Each of these laws is unconstitutional. The right of the people to bear arms is especially guaranteed in the Constitution….”, Feb. 2, 1867

The Evening Telegraph, “The freedmen have as good a right to carry firearms as their late masters have.”, Feb. 2, 1867

The Evening Telegraph, “one of the rights the loyal people were trying to secure to the Freedman is the right to bear arms”, Feb. 9, 1867

The Memphis Daily Appeal, “Let every man arm, to protect his property, his life, and the lives of those that are dear to him. . . . Let them see that every man, white or black, who is entitled to vote by law, has opportunity to vote, AND NO OTHERS”, June 12, 1867

President Andrew Johnson, “before a public assemblage of citizens and others, said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, speaking of and concerning the Congress of the United States, did, in a loud voice . . . exciting that portion of the population, the black population, to arm themselves and prepare for the shedding of blood.”, Journal of the Senate of the United States of America, March 4, 1868

The Athens Post, (Concerning freed slaves), “They do not carry these firearms for any assassin’s purpose, but rather as a symbol of their freedom….”, Oct. 23, 1868

The Weekly Clarion, “and the act forbidding the carrying of arms without license . . . were repealed by the same Legislature that passed them. . . . there are no laws of the State preventing any negro from keeping or carrying fire-arms, &c., or forfeiting them if kept”, May 13, 1869

The Opelousas Courier, “We demand the repeal of all obnoxious laws . . . and keeping in view that the Constitution of the United States guaranteed to every man the right to “keep and bear arms,””, April 13, 1872

President Grant, U.S. Senate 4/5/1871 & 12/04/1871, and U.S. House of Representatives – “…to deprive colored citizens of the right to bear arms…”, 4/19/1872

The Andrew County Republican, “the Ku-Klux . . . aim to carry elections in the interest of the Democratic party . . . They aim and intend to take from the colored people the right to vote, to bear arms in self-defence”, May 10, 1872

The Daily State Journal, “the colored people of the South know that they owe . . . their freedom, their right to bear arms, their right of suffrage . . . all of their rights and privileges, in fact, as American citizens–to the Republican party”, Aug. 20, 1872

Nebraska Advertiser, “The law guards no man; his own guard are his revolver and bowie“–WARNING: The following contains severe racist commentary, as well as vivid details of one of the worst atrocities committed on Americans soil, May 15, 1873

New Orleans Republican, Official Journal Of The State Of Louisiana, “There is no more terror in the fact that a negro has armed himself in self-defense than there is in the fact that a white man has done so for the same reason . . .They have as clear a right to do this as the white man . . . We rarely hear of unprovoked assaults upon those who are known to be ready.”, June 14, 1874

The Caucasian, “When the American people admitted the negroes to the rights of citizenship, that of keeping and bearing arms was included. This is a right which the constitution says shall not be infringed.”, July 4, 1874

Knoxville Daily Chronicle, “The Republican party . . . but we recognize the principle which is older than our Constitution, that “every man’s house is his castle,” and under our Government every citizen white or black, has the right to bear arms….”, Sept. 11, 1874

The [2nd – UNHEARD OF] Battle of New Orleans, “The people were then advised to go home, get their arms and ammunition, and return . . . The Citizens Masters of the Situation – The streets above Canal are well filled with armed citizens”, Sept. 15, 1874

Republican State Convention, “but we recognize the principle which is older than our constitution, that every man’s house is his castle, and that under our Government every citizen, white or black, has the right to bear arms”, Sept. 17, 1874

THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL, “that every man’s house is his castle . . . every citizen, white or black, has the right to bear arms….”, Sept. 24, 1874

Gov. John C. Brown [Democrat], “the bill that proposes to put the African, who is my inferior . . . [Brown quoting Republicans: “every man’s house is his castle, and that under our Government every citizen, white or blackhas the right to bear arms“], [Gov. Brown: “So you see they say you are entitled to these “rights,” but that you shan’t have them….”] Oct. 3, 1874

Will the American People, “blame the Democratic Party also–the Party, which gave not one vote for it [Civil Rights Bill] the great upholder of slavery and the ally of our enemy in the Civil War”, Dec. 12, 1874

The Daily Clarion, Sheriff A.T. Morgan, “However, the negro is a citizen, he is a man. As such he has an equal right with his white neighbor’s to bear arms in his own defence and in defence of his liberties.”, Oct. 11, 1875

The Arizona Sentinel, “The Civil Power Unable to Keep the Peace . . . The colored people are arming in self defense. . . . A large number of armed white men are approaching this town”, May 20, 1876

U.S. Representative Joseph Rainey, [was the first African American to serve in the U.S. House of Representatives, and the first African American to preside over the House.] “These men said that they were willing to surrender the few arms they had . . . Did they expect from Gen. Butler any more than is accorded to them by the constitution? I ask whether they had not as much right to bear arms as Gen. Butler or anybody else. . . . I ask you, citizens of the United States, would you stand it? . . . Are you not going to allow us any right of self-defence? In the name of my race and my people, in the name of humanity, in the name of God, I ask you whether we are to be American citizens, with all the rights and immunities of citizens, or whether we are to be vassals and slaves again? I ask you to tell us whether these things are to go on, so that we may understand now and henceforth what we are to expect.”, July 21, 1876

Nebraska Advertiser, “the Democratic Kuklux . . . Gov. Chamberlin, in his letter to the President regarding this affair, says: “Before the hour for trial arrived on Saturday many white citizens from the country around Hamburg began to gather in the town, armed with guns and pistols.” . . . “This armed mob demanded a surrender of the arms of the militia, which they had no right to do, for the negroes have the same right to bear arms as have the whites…”, Aug. 10, 1876

    “What a stupendous, what an incomprehensible machine is man! who can endure toil, famine, stripes, imprisonment, & death itself in vindication of his own liberty, and the next moment be deaf to all those motives whose power supported him thro his trial, and inflict on his fellow men a bondage, one hour of which is fraught with more misery than ages of that which he rose in rebellion to oppose. But we must await with patience the workings of an overruling providence, & hope that that is preparing the deliverance of these, our suffering brethren. When the measure of their tears shall be full, when their groans shall have involved heaven itself in darkness, doubtless a god of justice will awaken to their distress, and by diffusing light & liberality among their oppressors, or at length by his exterminating thunder, manifest his attention to the things of this world, and that they are not left to the guidance of a blind fatality.”–Thomas Jefferson, June 26, 1786 letter to Jean Nicolas Demeunier. [Thomas Jefferson, Public and Private Papers. Library of America. New York: Vintage Books, 1990. 265-266.]